|Nelson W. Aldrich
Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich was a prominent American politician and a
leader of the Republican Party in the United States Senate,
where he served from 1881 to 1911. Wikipedia
Born: November 6, 1841, Foster, RI
Died: April 16, 1915, New York, NY
Spouse: Truman Chapman (m. 1866)
Party: Republican Party
Grandchildren: Nelson Rockefeller, David Rockefeller, MORE
Children: Winthrop W. Aldrich, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, Richard S.
Aldrich, Lucy Aldrich, William Truman Aldrich
"Boss" Aldrich and the Founding of the Fed
BY GEORGE SELGINON JULY 8, 2016
America's Bank, Roger Lowenstein'sAldrich5 2015 book on the
founding of the Fed, is, as I said in reviewing it for Barron's,
both well-written and well-researched. Few pertinent details of the
story appear to have escaped Lowenstein's notice. However, in
assembling and interpreting these details, Lowenstein appears not to
have entertained the slightest doubt that the Federal Reserve Act,
for all the political maneuvering that led to it, was the best of
all possible means for ending this nation's periodic financial
Instead of turning a critical eye toward the 1913 Act, Lowenstein
writes as if history itself were a reliable judge. What it has
condemned he condemns as well; and what it has favored he favors.
Consequently he treats all those persons who contributed to the
Federal Reserve Act's passage as right-thinking progressives, while
regarding those who favored other solutions to the nation's currency
and banking ills as so many reactionary bumpkins.
That some strains of triumphalism should have found their way into
Lowenstein's account of the Fed's origins is hardly surprising.
Though research by economic historians and others supplies precious
little support for it, the view that the Fed has been a smashing
success is, after all, a well-established element of conventional
wisdom, and one that Fed officials themselves never cease to
promote. Nor have those officials ever devoted more effort to doing
so than in the course of celebrating the Fed's recent centennial.
Even a much more hard-bitten journalist than Lowenstein could hardly
have been expected to resist setting considerable store by an
institution so universally (if undeservedly) hallowed.
Still, one might have expected a note of skepticism, if no more than
that, to have found its way into America's Bank. Lowenstein was,
after all, writing about an institution that was supposed to end
U.S. financial crises once and for all, and doing so in the wake of
a crisis at least as bad, in many respects, as those that inspired
its creation. (Those who suppose that the Fed did all it could and
should have done to combat the recent cataclysm are encouraged to
read this, this, this, and this.) He had, furthermore, encountered
the many arguments — and most were far from being plainly idiotic —
of pre-1913 experts who favored other reforms, as well as those of
some of the pending Federal Reserve Act's critics, who predicted,
correctly, that it wouldn't be long before its results would acutely
disappoint those of its champions who sincerely yearned for
financial and economic stability.
Perhaps most importantly, Lowenstein knew very well that Nelson
("Admit nothing. Explain nothing") Aldrich, whom he (following Elmus
Wicker) rightly regards as the man most responsible for clearing the
way for the Fed's establishment, was the outstanding crony
capitalist politician in an epoch when such politicians were thicker
on the ground than ever before or since. Although Aldrich presented
the plan known by his name, much of which ended up being
incorporated into the Federal Reserve Act, as a product of the
collective efforts of the National Monetary Commission's 16 members,
the plan was actually one he himself drafted, with the help of
several Wall Street bankers, in secret at Jekyll Island. The
commission's other members contributed nothing save their rubber
It's wise to view Lowenstein's assessment of Aldrich's contribution
in light of what other journalists have had to say about the
long-serving Rhode Island Senator. Consider, for starters, Lincoln
Steffens' opinion, as expressed by him in a 1908 letter to Teddy
Roosevelt. "What I really object to in him," Steffens wrote, "is
something he probably does honestly, out of general conviction. … He
represents Wall Street; corrupt and corrupting business; men and
Trusts that are forever seeking help, subsidies, privileges from
Bad as this sounds, it's nothing compared to the portrait muckraking
journalist David Graham Phillips drew of Aldrich in The Treason of
the Senate, his sulphurous 1906 exposé of an upper-house rife with
Various senators represent various divisions and subdivisions of
this colossus. But Aldrich, rich through franchise grabbing, the
intimate of Wall Street's great robber barons, the father-in-law of
the only son of the Rockefeller — Aldrich represents the colossus.
Your first impression of many and conflicting interests has
disappeared. You now see a single interest, with a single
agent-in-chief to execute its single purpose — getting rich at the
expense of the labor and the independence of the American people.
"Aldrich's real work," Phillips went on to write, consisted of
"getting the wishes of his principals, directly or through their
lawyers, and putting these wishes into proper form if they are
orders for legislation or into the proper channels if they are
orders to kill or emasculate legislation." The work was "all done,
of course, behind the scenes." As chairman of the Senate Finance
Committee Aldrich labored to "concoct and sugar-coat the bitter
doses for the people — the loot measures and the suffocating of the
measures in restraint of loot."
Although the opinions of Steffens and Phillips might be dismissed as
yellow journalism, the same cannot be said for similar verdicts
reached by academic historians, including that of Jerome Sternstein,
in his article "Corruption in the Gilded Age Senate: Nelson W.
Aldrich and the Sugar Trust." According to Sternstein, "far from
insulating the legislative process from big business and reducing
the incentives for corruption, the concentration of institutional
authority in the hands of senators like Nelson W. Aldrich had
precisely the opposite effect":
Aldrich was wedded ardently to the concept that legislation
affecting businessmen should be drawn up in close collaboration with
businessmen. … America's productive economy was not the work of
politicians and theorists, but of innovative businessmen making
business decisions in a most practical, efficient way. Members of
Congress, therefore, had an obligation to clear appropriate
legislation with them. Effective lawmaking, he held, especially that
required to carry out the Republican gospel of prosperity and
economic growth through vigorous state action in the form of
protective tariffs and subsidies, was next to impossible otherwise.
Thanks to his success in achieving the legislative goals of his
corporate clients, Aldrich "found money and favors flowing to him.
Businessmen did not bribe him, they did not dominate him — they
simply rewarded and supported him." In return for his efforts to
shunt monetary reform onto a spur favoring the big Wall Street
banks, for instance, Aldrich earned a token of gratitude from Henry
P. Davison, a partner in J. P. Morgan & Company, who arranged and
took part in the Jekyll Island meeting:
The enclosed [Davison wrote to Aldrich] refers to the stock of the
Bankers Trust Company, of which you have been allotted one hundred
shares. You will be called upon for payment of $40,000… It will be a
pleasure for me to arrange this for you if you would like to have me
I am particularly pleased to have you have this stock, as I believe
it will give a good account of itself. I t is selling today on the
basis of a little more than $500 a share. I hope, however, you will
see fit to put it away, as it should improve with seasoning. Do not
bother to read through the enclosed, unless you desire to do so.
Just sign your name and return to me.
In view of Aldrich's notoriety, Lowenstein might have suspected
that, whatever its merits, the Aldrich Plan was bound to be
compromised by its authors' desire to look after Wall Street's
interests. He might therefore have entertained the possibility that
neither it nor the Federal Reserve Act that drew so heavily from it
was ideally suited to putting a stop to financial crises. But rather
than proffer a revised (and not-so-triumphant) view of the Fed's
origins, Lowenstein elected instead to revise the record concerning
Aldrich himself, turning him into his story's unlikely hero. Just as
some bolting horses supposedly turned Pascal into a religious
mystic, the Panic of 1907 "jolted" Aldrich sufficiently, according
to Lowenstein, to inspire his conversion, from Wall Street's Man in
Washington to high-minded proponent of monetary reform.
But did it? The facts suggest otherwise. Of the many shortcomings of
the pre-Fed currency and banking system, none struck sincere reform
proponents of all kinds as being in more dire need of correction
than the tendency of the nation's bank reserves to flow into the
coffers of a handful of New York banks during seasons apart from the
harvest, combined with the annual (and occasionally mad)
harvest-time scramble for those same reserves. That ebb and flow of
reserves from countryside to New York City and back again was the
sine qua non of the crises that periodically rocked the U.S.
economy. Unfortunately, that same ebb and flow was, so far as New
York's major banks themselves were concerned, good business, for it
was the source of funds they lent on call to stock investors, by
which they made a tidy profit. Any reform that might undermine their
status as the ultimate custodians, for most of the year, of the
nations' bank reserves was, so far as they were concerned, anathema.
Until the Panic of 1907, Aldrich was able to satisfy his Wall Street
clients simply by blocking — with the help of fellow standpatters —
every monetary reform measure that came his committee's way. The
panic changed things, not by convincing Aldrich to clean up his act,
but by forcing him to change his tactics. Realizing that reform
could no longer be held off, he resolved to assume control of the
reform movement, and to have it result in changes that, however
sweeping, would nonetheless preserve, and even enhance, both the
dangerous "pyramiding" of reserves in New York and his Wall Street
chums' bottom lines.
Just how Aldrich managed to achieve this goal — and to do so despite
the rejection of his own plan in favor of a Democratic alternative —
is a story too long to be told here. Interested readers will find
it, and many other details besides, in my recent Cato Policy
Analysis, "New York's Bank: The National Monetary Commission and the
Founding of the Fed," which they can view by clicking on the image
below. The information there will, I hope, allow them to conclude
that, to gain a proper understanding of Aldrich's part in the Fed's
establishment, one needn't alter a single brushstroke in muckrakers'
portraits of him.
The Central Bank Skeptic Who Helped Give Birth to the Fed
District governors of the Federal Reserve, circa 1914.
District governors of the Federal Reserve, circa
1914.Credit...Library of Congress
By Roger Lowenstein
Oct. 24, 2015
Critics of the Federal Reserve are many, and one congressman has
proposed creating the Centennial Monetary Commission to recommend
ways to revamp the central bank. Blue-ribbon panels typically end up
gathering dust, but a century ago such a commission — one that
actually involved a cabal of Wall Street bankers — played a pivotal
role in the founding of the Fed itself.
In 1907, a panic virtually shut down the banking system. America did
not have a central bank to act as lender of last resort, and banks
across the country ran out of money. The United States Treasury’s
efforts to stem the panic were meager; J. P. Morgan, a private
banker, organized more significant relief, but even his efforts were
not enough. Many banks were forced to turn away depositors; hundreds
of others stayed open by distributing improvised certificates (paper
i.o.u.s) that circulated until the crisis abated. Not surprisingly,
there were widespread calls for reform.
The next year, Congress passed a law to provide for more currency in
an emergency, but the legislation was halfhearted and fell short of
an overhaul. As if to acknowledge the insufficiency of the
legislation, lawmakers also chartered the National Monetary
Commission to study the banking system.
Little was expected of the commission, because the chairmanship was
awarded to Senator Nelson W. Aldrich, a Republican from Rhode Island
and the powerful head of the Senate Finance Committee. (His daughter
married into the Rockefeller family, and his grandson was Gov.
Nelson A. Rockefeller of New York.) Aldrich was a bastion of the
conservative establishment and an ardent legislative friend of
business — ties he had exploited to become personally wealthy — and
he was opposed to establishing a central bank like those that
existed in other industrialized countries.
ImageAfter the Wall Street Panic of 1907, Senator Nelson W. Aldrich
worked to build support for a central bank.
After the Wall Street Panic of 1907, Senator Nelson W. Aldrich
worked to build support for a central bank.Credit...United States
But Aldrich, whose reputation had been tarnished by corruption
charges, hoped to use the commission to burnish his legacy. He
ordered a number of studies on banking practices in America and
abroad. More consequentially, he and some of the other commissioners
embarked on a fact-finding tour of the monetary systems, and in
particular the central banks in London, Paris and Berlin. He even
brought along a Harvard professor to tutor his group.
Aldrich was deeply impressed by the European systems. In Paris, he
gazed at a century-old dispatch penned by Napoleon, in which the
general opined that the Bank of France, chartered in 1800, was as
vital to France as were his armies in the field.
The critical difference between Europe and America, Aldrich
concluded, was that in America each bank kept its own reserve, and —
for reasons of self-preservation — was apt to hoard reserves in
times of stress. In Europe, reserves were centralized and thus more
effective. Moreover, since banks could borrow from the central bank,
they lent more freely.
Aldrich was well aware that a central bank was a sensitive topic in
American politics. Ever since 1776, Americans had resisted ceding
too much power to government and — as they are today — many deeply
Nonetheless, Aldrich became a convert. Upon his return, he sought
out the Wall Street banker Paul Warburg, an ardent proponent of
reform, who had reluctantly concluded that the public would not
accept a fully centralized system. “You say we cannot have a central
bank; I say we can,” Aldrich said. Warburg was stunned.
Over the next two years, Aldrich worked to build support. But people
did not like the idea of a big government bank. And they did not
trust Aldrich. Deciding he needed cover from public scrutiny, at the
end of 1910, Aldrich, 69, invited a trio of bankers, including
Warburg, and an assistant secretary of the Treasury to Jekyll Island
off the coast of Georgia. The group put up at an exclusive club
where Morgan (Aldrich’s card-playing companion) was a member, and
operated in absolute secrecy.
Over a week, while the staff plied them at mealtimes with wild
turkey, quail and fresh scalloped oysters, the bankers hashed out
the details of a new banking system. Their plan — Aldrich did not
reveal that he had conspired with Wall Street — was rubber-stamped
by the Monetary Commission, which Aldrich controlled. Colloquially,
it was known as the Aldrich Plan. It called for a version of a
central bank, similar in many respects to the eventual Federal
Reserve but with bankers rather than political appointees in charge.
Although Aldrich’s tactics were hardly democratic, his effort to
reform the banking system was genuine. But his bill was never
brought to a vote. By 1912, progressivism was sweeping the country
and Aldrich was vilified. Opposition to the Aldrich Plan became a
litmus test for progressive candidates, including the Democratic
nominee for president, Woodrow Wilson.
The next year, Wilson and the Democrats, who had won a majority in
Congress, enacted the Federal Reserve Act. Though the chief sponsors
were critics of the Aldrich Plan, their bill in fact was adapted
from it. In particular, they borrowed from the Aldrich Plan the idea
of a central reserve, and also the hub-and-spokes framework. Thus,
the Fed was designed with 12 reserve banks and a central board in
The economists Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz concluded in “A
Monetary History of the United States” (1963) that the Aldrich bill
and the Federal Reserve Act were “identical in many details” and
“very similar in general structure.” But Aldrich, who bitterly
resented being shoved aside, refused to acknowledge the connection.
He died 16 months after the creation of the Fed.
Aldrich used his commission to broaden the appeal of the Wall Street
doctrine of centralized banking, which had seemed so threatening to
the American public. Proposals to study and potentially reform the
monetary system today — the one by Representative Kevin Brady,
Republican of Texas, to create the Centennial Monetary Commission,
and also various bills in the Senate — are animated by a contrary
Contemporary bills are supported by conservatives and populists (on
both political extremes) who denounce the Fed’s power. They are
motivated by mistrust of centralism and popular abhorrence of the
banking establishment. By increasing congressional oversight and
reining in the Fed, they would seek to constrain the very
institution that Aldrich helped inspire.
Roger Lowenstein is the author of the just published “America’s
Bank: The Epic Struggle to Create the Federal Reserve” (Penguin
A version of this article appears in print on Oct. 25, 2015, Section
BU, Page 3 of the New York edition with the headline: The Central
Bank Skeptic Who Helped Form the Fed. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper
‘America’s Bank,’ by Roger Lowenstein
Oct. 19, 2015